294 - 17.02.06


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Introduction

Giancarlo Bosetti
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Reset Dialogues
on Civilizations


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The aim of our meeting is promoting a better understanding between people who belong to different cultures and trying to move some steps further from the mere announcement of this principle.
We will begin discussing a method in the relationships among individuals considering that each person has his own, single responsibility and is not a symbol of some Islamic, Jewish, Christian, Western or Oriental essence or other platonic categorizations or essentialisms. Obviously each one of us has a different history, comes from a different cultural background and holds his own identity. So if it is clear that in our societies none of us can be abstracted and devoid of identity or social belongings, it is also clear that all of us have cultural, ethnical, geographical, historical and national coordinates to refer to.
Better trying to control our own prejudices than thinking that we don´t have them, as Gadamer suggested. We are all bound to some “transcendental” degree of localism but this factor isn’t always determinant.
I am coming, for instance, from the same nation, from the same region, from the same small town of Italian former Minister Calderoli who pretended to enforce a principle of liberty by insulting Muslims, yet I don´t agree with anything of what he uses to say and I am happy because he was fired by the Italian government of which, unfortunately, he was a member. On the contrary, I totally agree with two Jewish-Americans who live in New York, Benjamin Barber and Michael Walzer, when they say that the principle of the freedom of press does not guarantee that every use one does of it is good, just, and responsible. I am not searching a captatio benevolentiae (attempting to catch sympathy) at every cost from an Arab audience because I want to add another suggestion coming from Barber: the challenges to enforce freedom are those made by minorities towards majority and not viceversa. Therefore it is not a proof of courage insulting Muslims in Denmark, but it would be so in Tehran or Ryad or wherever Muslims represent the majority. As Stuart Mill wrote in “On Liberty”, the liberal test of “invective” doesn’t apply when it comes “from the Christian majority against pagans in a Christian society”. And the offence against a minority is more hurtful than that against a majority.
In order to start a dialogue capable of crossing cultural differences, we need a method that requires some specific features. First of all, we need to free ourselves from those misunderstandings which come from unequal, prejudicial, superficial attitudes poisoned by a presumption of superiority. We want to give to our dialogue what we believe is its necessary precondition: equal dignity among partners, both in speaking and listening. That means that we will not declare to agree with each other just for politeness reasons and we will not avoid mutual criticisms.
We must be specially careful in identifying the kinds of deformations which are unfortunately common in the current discussion and that we can define as the vices of a “glance from the distance” which tends to unify the “other part” – Arab world and Muslim world in the eyes of Europeans, Americans and Westerns in general, and, viceversa, the West in the eyes of the Others: the “West” versus the “Rest” - making a monolith of what is, in fact, a mosaic of heterogeneous, contradictories and, in any case, different realities. If one idealizes the other, you can call it “exotism”, if one rejects the other, you can call it “racism” or, more kindly, “ethnocentrism”. We must overcome these deformations that usually go under the name of “Orientalism” and “Occidentalism”. I will explain you why, in a while.
The method of dialogue must help us to find areas of consensus on some common, general values like, first of all, the need and desire of understanding each other, the wish to avoid driving contrasts always to an extreme, critical breaking-point, the ability of exploiting partial agreements and compromises, whenever possible, for the benefit of all. Those who affirm the importance of intercultural dialogue must not give up to their beliefs, faiths and absolute tenets both secular and religious. However they must necessarily love the idea of opening their eyes over the beliefs, the faiths and the absolute tenets of others, appreciating the variety of the world and the challenge that this variety represents for their own verity.
Some of us suggest writing Variety with a capital V and opposing it to Verity. I believe this is a good idea.
We must promote the circulation of richer information about what is “normality” of life of normal people living in different civilizations, that are filled of individuals who work hard to maintain their families and grow up their children giving them an education and teaching them to respect others and their rights. Such “normality” is cast in the shade from the logics prevailing in the global village of mass communication. Let’s try to oppose the trend of the informative selection made by mass media and for which our realities come into contact and tend to see each others only in the extreme cases of disorders and caos, upheavals and deaths.
We need a method that helps us to accept the variety of the world without hiding it under prefabricated categories. I read on a brilliant Turkish newspaper in English language that “Graffiti insulting the Prophet Muhammed was found scrawled on a West bank Mosque in Palestine” and that the American policy in Iraq has certainly resulted in “strengthening Hizbullah in Lebanon, which (like Hamas) is often described in the West as a terrorist organization”.
The lessons one can draw from these news are: 1) blasphemy doesn’t inhabit only in Europe; 2) promoters, sometimes involuntarily, of Islamist radicalism do not inhabit only among Muslims, as a confirmation of the variety and non-linearity of situations in all fields. Specialists of the relationships between the West and the Arab World wrote that we should ask ourselves if it is possible to try still for a dialogue since we cannot even agree on what is good and what is evil. Sometimes it seems that what is good for one is evil for the other; what is heroism for one is diabolic for the other. However I believe that we are not condemned to this condition. And it is not the first time in history that things look like this. We might not find an agreement on everything, but we can work to extend the ground of our consensus, not only between us, experts of dialogue, but also among several others who are not here.

Our conference contribution will be structured in four points:

1) The first one will consist in formulating ideas on the method of dialogue among individuals who belong to different cultural contexts in order to open ourselves to listen to each other. It is what I was starting to do and that is best to leave up to our discussants. I would like to add only that the choice of pointing out Occidentalism and Orientalism as the names of two typical deformations came from two books and from the series of reasoning that derived from them. Orientalism is the name that a Palestinian-American, Edward Said gave to the colonial deformation of the Western look on everything that is in the East. Today one could discuss Said’s theories, especially with regard to the role of religion. When he wrote the book, twenty-five years ago, it seemed convincing to assert that orientalism allowed a disproportionate prominence to the religious dimension and that this prominence was unjustified because many features that were attributed to religion derived, as a matter of fact, from social and economic factors. Today, both in the West and in the East, in Rome as in Cairo, we tend to recognize - obviously in different ways since our political systems, our histories and the development of a liberal mentality are different – a persistence and an influence of religion that contradict, at least in part, the secular convictions of Weberian tradition. However there is no doubt that the concept of Orientalism identifies the deformation produced by colonialism and by the different degree of development, a deformation that highlights only those Eastern things that the West is interested in. It is the deformation that, like Hassan Hanafi could say, states who is “Me” and who is the “Other”. Now, the problem is that nobody is willing to always play the role of the Other.
On the other hand, Occidentalism is a specular idea developed by Ian Buruma and Avishai Margalit. It takes as a model of “satanization” of the West, the anti-modern ideology of Japan in the thirties and forties of the past century. Westernization was seen as a form of intoxication of the spirituality and integrity of the East. Its radical critics targeted sciences, capitalism, new technologies, individual freedoms, democracy, the Hollywood system and the entire materialist civilization.
Buruma and Margalit write: “The occidentalist view of the Occident is comparable to the worst features of its counterpart, the orientalism that deprives its human targets of their humanity. Some orientalist prejudices represent non-westerns as diminished, childish human beings. Almost an inferior species. Occidentalism is nearly the same reductive: its sectarianism doesn’t make anything but overturning the orientalist view, reducing an entire society to a mass of soul-less, decadent, greedy, rootless and faithless parasites… Prejudices pertain to human condition. However when the notion of the Other as inferior being becomes a revolutionary force, one goes toward the destruction of humanity”.
Deformations have some similarities. Occidentalism and Orientalism have in common a dangerous and serious vice that brings toward a culture that goes out from the borders of Variety that we are willing to appreciate, because it “de-humanizes” the other, depriving him of “Humanity” and representing him not only as Evil but as a member of a category which is inferior to that of human beings.
Stereotyping the Other going beyond the human limits and degrading him prepare the ground to violence and death. Dialogue is a good therapy because the knowledge of the other inevitably puts us through his human essence.
2) In second instance we will discuss about the historical, economic and social contexts which allowed major cultural transfers in past centuries. We need to understand how cultural intertwinings in science, philosophy, and literatures came about in the past in order to know the background of our work. Translations came out of a need. XI century Latins needed math, physics, and technologies and they took them from the Arab world in the most various ways. Professor Burnett will explain how Federico II had an Arab intellectual in his Sicilian Court because he needed him in order to understand the Arab logics and how, at the beginning of the XIII century, political leaders exchanged scholars as well as books. This makes me think that some exchanges of this kind would be helpful and that our Foundation has some propositions to make, both in the East and in the West.

3) The third issue will address one of the most difficult challenges faced by intercultural dialogues in our times, the challenge of measuring the differences that separate cultural contexts in relation to democracy: to its introduction, its practice, its several interpretations and the meaning to give to the term itself and to the political systems that it describes.
We will be focusing on two problematic questions: first of all, the precious function of the democratic and parliamentary experience in de-radicalizing extremist movements, in reducing violence, in transforming bloody conflicts into political and non-violent confrontations. As Nadia Urbinati explains “as European modern history shows us, the parliamentarization of politics has the power of transforming conflict from a factor of instability to one of dynamic stability and tolerance and of making religious beliefs malleable to political regulation and a vehicle for social stability”. We will then focus on the limits that reality, in fact, impresses to the possibility of extending democracy on the base of pure willpower and of our best desires, when lacking preliminary economic, social and cultural conditions. It is through critical interpretation and through the reworking of their own and diverse traditions that democracy can grow with solid roots.
4) The fourth session of our conference will address the topic of the role of the media in the dialogue among civilizations and in current conflicts. As already said, the considerations which followed the case of Copenaghen Jyllands-Posten’s cartoons have often been complicated by the confusion between freedom of press and responsibility toward others. However we should analyze in depth the consequences of the transparency allowed by global media communication, thanks to digital and satellite technologies. The backstage has now become visible and the veils of secrecy have been lifted - as stated by Joshua Meyrowitz, American leading expert of mass communication studies. There are no more barriers and this leads to many positive consequences which, however, we must learn to control. Parochialism is not allowed any more, provincialism cannot be overseen in political life and can have catastrophic results. This process radicalizes and exacerbates reactions because it selects extreme events: audience rewards violence and condemns moderation.

All the four sessions of our conference will help us to define some proposals for continuing our activity. Dialogue in itself is a contribution to reduce the radicalism which we can feel around us, because dialogue among civilizations already includes an acceptance and legitimacy of difference, an admission not only of its viability but also of its irreducibility as a peculiarity of human condition. We can talk of a “germ” of relativism and doing so some - even if not many - would join me. Thus, prudently, I will stop before hoping to find the consensus of all. And I will call our dialogue “a training to plurality and pluralism of values”.

 

Beyond Orientalism and Occidentalism
March 4th/6th 2006 - Cairo, Egypt

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